It wasn’t hard to foresee that those planning and executing U.S. foreign policy, lacking all imagination and anything remotely resembling courage, would prove incapable of an orderly transition to a multipolar world order.
Andrew P. Napolitano on a state of affairs unheard of in American jurisprudence, where judges don’t have bosses telling them what guilty pleas to accept and what to reject.
Washington’s military interventions are not just wars on people — they’re also wars on the climate, writes Marjorie Cohn.
Wars of Gog and Magog: Between the U.S. and Israel, our world is defined by those who view it in radically simplistic binaries.
If you didn’t like the outcome of this odyssey through uncharted legal territory before Lloyd Austin reversed it, blame the C.I.A., Mitch McConnell and almost every other member of Congress who served in 2009 and 2015.
Approaching the terrorist attacks as a memorializing event on the anniversary generally avoids deeper inquiry into the historic U.S. role in the Middle East and Afghanistan, write Jeremy Stoddard and Diana Hess.
Considering the common U.S. reaction to 9/11, we must ask: Can the U.S. do without its exceptionalist consciousness? Or is this consciousness indispensable to America?
A pattern of regret — distinct from remorse — for the venture militarism that failed in Afghanistan and Iraq does exist, writes Norman Solomon. But the disorder persists in U.S. foreign policy.
U.N. Special Rapporteur Fionnuala Ní Aoláin, the first such expert to visit the infamous Guantanamo Bay prison, said those responsible for the U.S. “cruel, inhuman and degrading” treatment of detainees there should be held accountable.
With each passing year, more details emerge about Washington’s torture programs, writes Karen J. Greenberg. But much remains hidden as Congress and U.S. policymakers refuse to address the wrongdoing.