The agreement will benefit U.K. arms exporters, open Ukraine further to Western investors and increase “counter-disinformation” operations against Russia, writes Mark Curtis.
The U.K. government wanted to brand us as criminals for occupying and defacing the Israeli weapon maker’s London headquarters and three of its factories, writes Huda Ammori.
Dozens of companies that supply Israel’s war machine face a growing campaign to end U.K. complicity in crimes against Palestinians, write Sam Perlo-Freeman, Khem Rogaly and Anna Stavrianakis.
Being part of the global supply network that supplies parts for the Israeli F-35 jet fighters used over Gaza implicates Australia in alleged war crimes, writes Kellie Tranter.
The war in Gaza serves as a smokescreen to the escalation of settler expansion and violence in the West Bank, writes Dan Steinbock. Meanwhile, Biden’s hawks refocus on Iran. Last of a 5-part series.
The quest for decisive U.S. military superiority over Beijing and the ability to win a war against a nuclear-armed power should be considered a fool’s errand, writes William D. Hartung. But it isn’t.
While the Defence and Security Equipment International expo is underway this week in London, Anna Stavrianakis looks at the deep, entrenched relationship between the British state and arms companies and the violation of U.K. export controls.
A pattern of regret — distinct from remorse — for the venture militarism that failed in Afghanistan and Iraq does exist, writes Norman Solomon. But the disorder persists in U.S. foreign policy.