Israel and its apologists react in fury when anyone likens the oppression of Palestinians to South Africa’s white supremacist system of apartheid toward blacks, but the comparison is growing harder and harder to dispute, a disturbing reality that ex-CIA analyst Paul R. Pillar examines.
By Paul R. Pillar
Several factors contributed to the demise of apartheid in the land where that term originated, South Africa. Inspired and timely leadership within South Africa was an important ingredient. But international agitation and pressure, based on a widespread sense of moral outrage, undoubtedly were also critical. The international response included unofficial boycotts and official sanctions, with great and lesser powers alike contributing.
International opposition to the most conspicuous current example of apartheid, Israeli subjugation of Palestinian Arabs, is not nearly as ubiquitous as opposition to the South African variety had become near its end in the early 1990s. But there are signs that it is growing.
Organized efforts are aimed at boycotting products from settlements Israel has built in occupied territory in the West Bank. A recent noteworthy departure in the policy of a major power was Germany’s refusal to toe the Israeli line in a vote in the United Nations General Assembly.
To the extent that international opposition to Israel’s conduct toward the Palestinians may indeed be growing, there are good reasons. One is a realization that the Israeli version of apartheid is very similar in important respects to the South African version, and that moral equivalence ought to follow from empirical equivalence.
Both versions have included grand apartheid, meaning the denial of basic political rights, and petty apartheid, which is the maintaining of separate and very unequal facilities and opportunities in countless aspects of daily life.
Some respects in which Israelis may contend their situation is different, such as facing a terrorist threat, do not really involve a difference. The African National Congress, which has been the ruling party in South Africa since the end of apartheid there, had significant involvement in terrorism when it was confronting the white National Party government. That government also saw the ANC as posing a communist threat.
A fitting accompaniment to the similarities between the two apartheid systems is the historical fact that when the South African system still existed, Israel was one of South Africa’s very few international friends or partners. Israel was the only state besides South Africa itself that ever dealt with the South African bantustans as accepted entities. Israel cooperated with South Africa on military matters, possibly even to the extent of jointly conducting a secret test of a nuclear weapon in a remote part of the Indian Ocean in 1979.
The sheer passage of time probably has reduced the reluctance of some to confront Israel about its system of apartheid. As each year goes by, it seems less justifiable for horrors that were inflicted on the Jewish people in the past to be a reason to give a pass to whatever are the policies of the present day’s Jewish state no matter how oppressive those policies may be to another people.
Less than five years from now will be the 50th anniversary of the war that Israel launched and used to seize the West Bank and other Arab territory; maybe the half-century mark will be an occasion for even more people to observe that what exists in the occupied territories is a well-entrenched system of subjugation.
Meanwhile, the lock that Benjamin Netanyahu and his right-wing coalition have on Israeli politics provide frequent opportunities to see through obfuscatory rhetoric and perceive the intention to make that subjugation permanent.
Nonetheless, other factors will make it difficult to mobilize against Israeli apartheid anything like the international consensus that arose to confront the South African version. The European history linked with Zionism and the establishment of Israel still weighs heavily on this issue. Since the Balfour Declaration the concept of an exclusive national home for the Jewish people has been widely accepted, quite unlike anything ever bestowed on the Afrikaaners or white South Africans generally.
Related to that is the charge of anti-Semitism that is quickly injected into any significant discussion that questions Israeli policies. And related to that is the very large role that toeing the Israeli government line plays as political orthodoxy in the most important global power, the United States.
Some observers hopefully see signs that this orthodoxy may be weakening, pointing to indications such as resistance at the Democratic convention this summer to a resolution about Jerusalem. Perhaps if President Obama appoints, and gets confirmed, Chuck Hagel as Secretary of Defense in the face of the opposition that the Israel lobby is already cranking up, that will become another data point suggesting the harmful political orthodoxy may be weakening.
Another impediment to mobilizing against Israeli apartheid concerns the desired end-state of the Palestinian situation. Officially, even according to the Israelis, that goal is the two-state solution: separate states for Jews and Arabs. This makes the situation different from South Africa, in which the objective in dismantling apartheid there was always going to involve a one-state solution.
Israeli governments such as Netanyahu’s thus can continue to pretend to seek a two-state solution, treating the situation in the West Bank not as one of permanent subjugation but as only a temporary problem involving “disputed territory.” And if the ostensible goal is a Palestinian state, this inevitably muddies the issue of Palestinian rights and Palestinian life under Israeli rule.
Why get agitated about the details of the Palestinians’ lives today, the Israelis can say, when if the Palestinians just stop terrorizing and start negotiating they can have a state of their own? Indefinitely maintaining the illusion of wanting a two-state solution is a reason Netanyahu, despite the willingness of some in his party and coalition to let the cat out of the bag regarding their true intentions, has stopped short of steps that would clearly kill off the two-state solution.
That is why his recent “punishment” of the Palestinians involving expansion of settlements into the critical E1 zone involved the initiation of planning and zoning but may never lead to actual building.
Meanwhile, Israelis can keep muddling through, relying on their armed might and believing genuinely that they can maintain their superior position indefinitely. By cordoning off, and periodically clobbering, the patch of blockaded misery known as the Gaza Strip, Jewish Israelis can remain a majority in the rest of the land they control. That is not something that white South Africans could ever hope for.
The overall conclusion of this comparison between the two versions of apartheid is disconcerting. In any meaningful moral (or legal) sense, the Israeli system of apartheid warrants just as much active international opposition as the South African system did. But for a combination of historical and political reasons, it is substantially more difficult to mount such opposition.
There is also the problem of leadership. The current leadership situation on the Israeli side gives little reason for hope for responsiveness even if substantially greater international opposition could be mobilized.
But then again, it would have been hard to predict that F. W. de Klerk would have taken the historic steps he did. A Nelson Mandela on the other side would help, too. It’s hard to see one, but maybe Marwan Barghouti could play that role if the Israelis would let him.
Paul R. Pillar, in his 28 years at the Central Intelligence Agency, rose to be one of the agency’s top analysts. He is now a visiting professor at Georgetown University for security studies. (This article first appeared as a blog post at The National Interest’s Web site. Reprinted with author’s permission.)
Live in Palestine for nine or ten months of the year and face the reality of death, destruction, brutal murders, and attacks on organizations to intimidate and suppress the truth. How many deaths will the US and other nations continue to finance before seeing the holocaust in all it’s reincarnations. Yes there are terrorist organizations amongst the Palestinians. They exist as a backlash to the human rights violations of Israel. Even the PM has claimed that all Palestinians must be destroyed and all of the middle east belongs to Israel. Has Hitler risen? ifamericansknew.org and endtheoccupation.org focuses on the horror and yes definitely apartheid.
JJ Prasch puts his appraisal of the 1967 Jewish drive to capture Jerusalem.
Mr.Pillar is of course right and JJ Prasch has the usual Jewish propaganda.
The brutal pre-emptive Jewish attack to prevent peace being found in Washington.
General Rabin declared that Nasserâ€™s troops in the Sinai â€œwould not have been enough to unleash an offensive. He knew it and we knew it.â€
The head of Mossad, Meit Amit, declared, â€œEgypt was not ready for a war; and Nasser did not want a war.â€
Finally, if Israel was interested in peace, why did it launch an attack two days before Egyptâ€™s vice president was due in Washington for talks on the status of the Straits of Tiran, the alleged casus belli of the war?
If Israelis weren’t whingeing about being victims on a daily basis, they’d have no purpose in life.
Israel….’The Ugly Head of Semitism’ regales as the controlling partner of the ‘Axis of Chutzpah’ The ethic cleansers position seems impregnable. I despair.
For Mr. Pillar to engage in open revisionism of the most absurd proportion ludicrously claiming that Israel launched the 1967 war to seize the West Bank demolishes not only the credibity of his thesis but his own academic credibility.
The 1967 Israeli war against the Soviet backed Syrians anmd Egyptians was in response to an act of war with the blockade of the Israeli port of Eilat and repeated Syrian mortar attacks on Isrzaewli settlements in Galilee from the Golan Heights. Jordan which had seized the West Bank in 1948 was a non combatant until it entered the war attacking Israeli West Jerusalem. The Israelis counter-attacked in self defense.
This is but one of no fewer than seven historical fallacies and omissions in the Pillar article.
It is difficult to find a euphemism for a pseudo academic so I must lable Mr Pillar as being just that. I suppose being an intelligence analyst at Langly he read Pravda and Itzvestia and that is where he obtained his revisionist writing skills for rewriting history. It is of little surprise he is at Georgetown. Perhaps he can help the Jesuits rewrite the history of the papal wars and inquisitions.
Israel Regime is more of a oppressor than Apartheid, it is more apartheid than the used to be Apartheid South Africa.
“The apartheid label is an attempt to criminalize and demonize Israel. Criticism of Israeli policy is fair but by comparing it to South Africa brings the countryâ€™s very existence into question.” Why do you say this? South Africa still exists, the Whites have large powers, there is moderate peace. You cannot claim all in Israel, let alone the OPT, have equal rights.
However, it is delightful to see a post where you are polite and arguing rationally. Thanks, borat.
Excellent points. The perpetual victim role of Israel has got to stop. The atrocities committed by Israel are many and largely unpublicized. However, Israel has legions of PR trolls and enough money circling through Zionist-friendly governments to make sure their war crimes go on unnoticed. It’s time to cut Israel off from the US taxpayer’s money.
Let’s cut off all aid to countries that bomb our ships.
Ever hear that Groucho Marx routine about the guy who orders a bowl of soup?
Groucho: â€œWaiter, there’s a fly in my soupâ€.
Waiter: â€œBe quiet, everybody will want oneâ€.
With people as repulsive as Glenn Beck tossing around the â€œAâ€ word, and people as courageous as Miko Peled pointing out the hypocrisy attached to its use, â€œAntisemitismâ€ has become no more stigmatic than any other puerile schoolyard insult. â€œApartheidâ€, on the other hand, has a clearly objective definition which can be demonstrated to represent a situation which reflects â€œfacts on the groundâ€. Word games and childish name-calling have been perfected by those wishing to obfuscate the reality of Israel’s horrendous human rights abuses. As one noted linguist mused, â€œLabeling or name-calling involves the fact that any term for an object puts the object in a class of similar objects, whether the object belongs there or notâ€. Impartiality demands that we conclude â€œdisputed territoryâ€ means â€œstolenâ€, just as Peter Ustinov concluded that â€œwarâ€ is waged by rich countries, while â€œterrorismâ€ is waged by poor ones. Sooner or later, schoolyard bullies grow up, and in the process, they outgrow the immunity they once enjoyed. They become so despicable that their once injurious insults become a source of pride and a badge of honor.
Borat: â€œWaiter, I think you’re an Antisemiteâ€.
Waiter: â€œBe quiet, everybody will want to be one”.