On the Legal Question of Russia’s Military Intervention

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UPDATED: According to the U.N. Charter Russia’s military action was illegal, but the Kosovo case raises questions about Donbass’ right to independence, writes Joe Lauria.

U.N. Security Council votes on a draft resolution condemning “Russia’s aggression against Ukraine” on Feb. 25, 2022. (U.N. Photo/Mark Garten)

By Joe Lauria
Special to Consortium News

In his impassioned address to the United Nations Security Council on Wednesday, in which he appealed to the council’s humanity to bring about a ceasefire in Ukraine, British rock legend Roger Waters called Russia’s military action “illegal.”

That has gotten some attention and raised the question again of the legality of the military operation according to international law. As is often the case with law, the question is not as simple as it might seem.

What the Charter Says

The U.N. Charter has something to say about the legal use of military force. It allows it in two cases:  when it is authorized by the Security Council and when it is legitimately used in self-defense. Council authorization for force is contained in Chapter VII, Article 42:

“Should the Security Council consider that measures provided for in Article 41 [economic sanctions] would be inadequate or have proved to be inadequate, it may take such action by air, sea, or land forces as may be necessary to maintain or restore international peace and security. Such action may include demonstrations, blockade, and other operations by air, sea, or land forces of Members of the United Nations.”

The second instance allowing armed force is in self-defense, explained in Chapter VII, Article 51:

“Nothing in the present Charter shall impair the inherent right of individual or collective self-defence if an armed attack occurs against a Member of the United Nations, until the Security Council has taken measures necessary to maintain international peace and security. Measures taken by Members in the exercise of this right of self-defence shall be immediately reported to the Security Council and shall not in any way affect the authority and responsibility of the Security Council under the present Charter to take at any time such action as it deems necessary in order to maintain or restore international peace and security.”

So, on these narrow legal grounds, the U.N. Charter only permits the use of force after authorization by the Security Council or in self defense by a “member state.” Russia entered the eight-year Ukrainian civil war on Feb. 24, 2022 to defend against attacks against the majority-ethnic Russian oblasts of Donetsk and Luhansk, which had declared independence from Ukraine in 2014. 

Russia only recognized their independence on Feb. 21, 2022, three days before its intervention. It intervened without authorization from the Security Council, where the U.S., Britain and probably France would have vetoed it. 

As the self-defense article pertains only to U.N. member states, it could not apply to Donetsk and Luhansk.  Russia is a member state but the article says “if an armed attack occurs” against it, and there was at the time no armed attack against Russia. 

So according to the U.N. Charter, Russia’s military intervention was not legally authorized.

Montevideo Convention

However, states are not prohibited by the Charter to request the presence of foreign forces on their territory. There is no language in the Charter about it. Officially inviting foreign forces onto one’s territory would not be considered an illegal occupation. Article 42 of the 1907 Hague Convention says:

“Territory is considered occupied when it is actually placed under the authority of the hostile army.”

The Russian army is certainly not seen as hostile in Donetsk and Luhansk. The murkiness of the legal issue arises then on the question of whether Donetsk and Luhansk were independent states in February of last year — states that could invite foreign forces onto its territory — or were they at the time still part of Ukraine? (Ukraine and the West argue they still are today. The republics passed referenda in September 2022 to join the Russian Federation.)

So what makes an independent state?  According to the Montevideo Convention of 1933, “The state as a person of international law should possess the following qualifications:

a permanent population;

b. a defined territory;

c. government; and

d. capacity to enter into relations with the other states.”

This is key: Article 3 of the convention adds, “The political existence of the state is independent of recognition by the other states.” That means no other other country has to recognize their independence if the above criteria are met.

According to Montevideo, Donetsk and Luhansk met the four requirements of the Convention including capacity to enter into relations with other states, as it has relations with the Russian Federation. The Convention says a state need not be recognized by other states. They have been recognized by Russia, Syria and North Korea.

So the Russian intervention is considered illegal under the U.N. Charter because it was not authorized by the Security Council nor does it meet the test of the self-defense Article 51.

But the Charter does not prohibit a state from inviting foreign forces onto its territory. A legal argument based on the Montevideo Convention would be that the two territories were independent states at the time of Russia’s intervention and had the right to request foreign forces to enter their territory. In that sense, it would seem that Russia’s military action in February a year ago was legal. 

Later Rulings

However, it doesn’t end there. A reader has pointed out in a comment below that there have been many legal developments since Montevideo, such as the International Court of Justice’s 2010 advisory opinion of the Kosovo intervention, the Canadian Supreme Court’s 1998 Reference on Quebec Secession, and the ICJ’s 1986 guidance in the Nicaragua Case. According to the Princeton Encyclopedia of Self-Determination:

“[T]here is no legal support for the proposition that the right to self-determination encompasses a right of a region of a state to secede from that state. This conclusion was affirmed by the 1996 General Comment by the Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination and was reiterated in 1998,” by the Supreme Court of Canada on Quebec’s independence. 

In the Kosovo case, the ICJ ruled that “the declaration of independence of Kosovo adopted on 17 February 2008 did not violate international law.” It is not clear how Kosovo’s bid to secede from Yugoslavia differs from Donetsk and Luhansk’s declaration of independence from Ukraine.  On Kosovo, the ICJ ruled:

“In particular, the Court concluded that ‘the scope of the principle of territorial integrity is confined to the sphere of relations between States.’ It also determined that no general prohibition of declarations of independence could be deduced from Security Council resolutions condemning other declarations of independence, because those declarations of independence had been made in the context of an unlawful use of force or a violation of a jus cogens [compelling law] norm. The Court thus concluded that the declaration of independence in respect of Kosovo had not violated general international law.”

There has been no ICJ ruling on the declaration of independence of Donetsk and Luhansk, which was met with state violence for eight years.  The Security Council failed in 1999 to authorize military action in Kosovo and NATO then acted on its own, raising criticism that its intervention was illegal.

Indeed, Russia has cited the “Kosovo Precedent” to justify its intervention in Donbass.

As the reader commented, Russia could make an argument based on “humanitarian intervention”, the so-called Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine, which was adopted by the General Assembly in 2005. R2P is controversial as intervening ostensibly on humanitarian grounds could be cover for ulterior motives.

NATO sought to justify its intervention in Kosovo as a way to stop ethnic cleansing of Albanians.  President Vladimir Putin said he was intervening in Donbass to stop a “genocide.” The Security Council authorized neither operation.

U.S. Hypocrisy

The U.S. has been a serial violator of international law. In addition to taking part in the Kosovo operation without Security Council authorization:

  • the 1989 invasion of Panama in which an entire poor neighborhood was pulverized, thousands of civilians were killed and there was no Security Council authorization. The U.S. said saving American lives allowed them to invade.
  • the 1983 invasion of Grenada, which The New York Times — by today’s standards — took a very skeptical view of. In an article titled, “Legal Basis for Invasion,” the Times concludes that there wasn’t much of one.

    “The rationale suggested by the State Department today might be a significant departure insofar as it purports to provide a basis for ignoring the international law rules against invasions and interventions in the affairs of sovereign states whenever a few countries get together to form a collective security treaty,” the Times wrote on Oct. 27, 1983.

  •  And most disastrously, the 2003 invasion of Iraq, for which the U.S. did not have Security Council authorization and could not claim self-defense as Iraq had no WMD or means to deliver them against the United States. 

Putin cited even more examples in his speech announcing Russia’s intervention last Feb. 24: 

“First a bloody military operation was waged against Belgrade, without the UN Security Council’s sanction but with combat aircraft and missiles used in the heart of Europe. … Then came the turn of Iraq, Libya and Syria. The illegal use of military power against Libya and the distortion of all the UN Security Council decisions on Libya ruined the state …

A similar fate was also prepared for Syria. The combat operations conducted by the Western coalition in that country without the Syrian government’s approval or UN Security Council’s sanction can only be defined as aggression and intervention. … But the example that stands apart from the above events is, of course, the invasion of Iraq without any legal grounds. …

Overall, it appears that nearly everywhere, in many regions of the world where the United States brought its law and order, this created bloody, non-healing wounds and the curse of international terrorism and extremism.”

David McBride is an Oxford-educated Australian military lawyer who went to the media to blow the whistle on evident Australian war crimes in Afghanistan. He faces imprisonment. Last March, McBride tweeted:

I concluded an article I wrote last March on this topic:

“Neither an Article 51 self-defense measure, nor a collective security resolution was ever passed by the Security Council. Therefore, according to the strict letter of today’s law, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is illegal. But after what the U.S. has done tragically to the laws of war and the jungle it has created, it hardly seems to matter anymore.”

UPDATED: This article was updated to consider international law on the question of independence that followed the Montevideo Convention.

Joe Lauria is editor-in-chief of Consortium News and a former U.N. correspondent for The Wall Street Journal, Boston Globe, and numerous other newspapers, including The Montreal Gazette and The Star of Johannesburg. He was an investigative reporter for the Sunday Times of London, a financial reporter for Bloomberg News and began his professional work as a 19-year old stringer for The New York Times.  He can be reached at joelauria@consortiumnews.com and followed on Twitter @unjoe  

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