The neoliberal university doesn’t need overt censorship, writes Samyuktha Kannan. It’s perfected the art of silent control. It’s not that one is explicitly told what can’t be written — it’s that over time, one simply learns what is too dangerous to say.

“Silence,” street mural by Carlos Gomilo. (PXHere, Creative Commons CC0)
By Samyuktha Kannan
Z Network
There was a time when the university was imagined as a space of intellectual risk, where thought could move freely, unrestricted by the anxieties of power or professional survival. That time is long gone.
Today, for students and faculty alike, the act of writing — of producing knowledge, of articulating critique — is suffused with fear. Not the productive fear that accompanies intellectual rigor, but the dull ache and exhausting fear of consequence.
What will this essay, this paper, this published article mean for my future? Will it cost me a job? A fellowship? A visa? Will it mark me, quietly and irrevocably, as a threat?
I remember drafting an abstract for a Marxist conference in Berlin, excited by the possibility of engaging with ideas beyond the sanitized limits of our classrooms. It was a small act — writing a 300-word abstract and submitting — but one that felt, for once, intellectually honest.
A faculty member, someone I trusted, pulled me aside. Their warning was not unkind. It was pragmatic, even protective: “You have postgrad applications coming up in a few months. Why invite the wrong kind of attention?”
I nodded, understanding what was left unsaid. A line on my CV, a question in an admissions interview, an invisible mark against my name — were risks worth taking? The abstract was never sent. But I realised my mistake a day too late.
The neoliberal university does not need overt censorship: it has perfected the art of silent control. It is not that one is explicitly told what cannot be written — it is that over time, one simply learns what is too dangerous to say.
Controversial words disappear from syllabi. Faculty stop assigning texts that might provoke discomfort in the wrong quarters. Students internalize the limits of acceptable inquiry, sculpting their research to fit within an increasingly narrow, apolitical frame.
And so, without official prohibitions, entire fields of thought shrink. The range of permissible discourse is not policed through direct suppression but through precarity — through the quiet, unspoken understanding that dissent has consequences.
For many, this fear is not abstract. It is deeply personal, woven into the reality of insecure contracts, shrinking academic jobs and the quiet but ruthless surveillance of CVs and publication records.
A single article, a single critique in the wrong place, can close doors before they even open.

Gatekeeper in Lisbon, 2013. (Luca Sartoni/Wikimedia Commons/CC BY-SA 2.0)
In a system where everything — from research funding to job prospects — depends on demonstrating compliance, the most rational choice is silence.
And so the university, once imagined as a site of knowledge production, becomes instead a space of careful omission, where what is not written, not spoken, not thought, tells us more than what remains.
The Violence of Silencing: When Ideas Become Personal
At its core, academia is not just a site of learning — it is a space where ideologies collide, evolve and take form. Disciplines are not built on neutral facts but on contestations, on the ability to question, challenge and defend ideas.
Every field, from history to law, from literature to political theory, is shaped by the ideological commitments of those who inhabit it. To study is not just to accumulate knowledge: it is to position oneself within a larger intellectual and political tradition. And for many scholars, especially those engaged in critical, radical, or anti-establishment thought, this positioning is not merely academic — it is deeply personal.
To curb discourse is not just to control what can be said, it is to suffocate the intellectual life of a scholar who is committed to their politics.
The violence of this is not always visible, but it is relentless. It is in the quiet revisions of a research proposal to remove a politically charged term. It is in the hesitation before citing a scholar whose work has been deemed controversial. It is in the exhaustion of constantly assessing whether a thought is “safe” enough to articulate.
Over time, this does not just limit discourse — it hollows out the very purpose of intellectual inquiry. For those who enter academia not as a careerist project but as a site of political engagement, this erasure is not just professional: it is existential.
A scholar who writes against the grain, who studies capitalism critically, who engages with Marxism, feminism, anti-caste thought, or anti-imperialism, does not do so as an abstract exercise. Their work reflects the world they live in and the world they seek to change.

Graffitti on a classroom wall at the University of Lyon, “DE L’HISTOIRE KARL MARX,” made during student occupation of parts of the campus as part of the May 1968 events in France. (BeenAroundAWhile, Wikimedia Commons,CC BY-SA 3.0)
To tell them to self-censor, to sanitize their arguments, to “choose their battles wisely,” is not just a professional warning — it is an instruction to sever a part of themselves, to dilute their own convictions for the sake of survival. The result is an academic culture that is not just fearful but profoundly uncreative.
The kind of intellectual risks that produce new ways of thinking are abandoned in favour of work that is acceptable, palatable and ultimately safe. Scholars who might have produced groundbreaking work instead learn to work within the narrow confines of what will not jeopardize their careers.
And so, the university, which should be a space of intellectual possibility, becomes instead a space of intellectual resignation. What is lost in this process is not just the vibrancy of academic debate but something more fundamental – the ability to think freely, to create without fear, to exist in a field of study without constantly negotiating one’s own silence.
A scholar whose politics are central to their work is not just losing a platform: they are losing a piece of their own mind. And what remains is not scholarship, but survival.
The University as a Site of Precarity and Control
The university, once imagined as a space of critical inquiry, has been hollowed out by the logic of neoliberalism. No longer an intellectual commons, it now functions as a corporate entity — managed, bureaucratized and increasingly detached from the very idea of free thought.

(Pixabay, CC0 1.0)
The language of learning has been replaced by the language of capital: students are “consumers,” faculty are “service providers,” and knowledge is only as valuable as its ability to secure funding. In this landscape, risk-taking is not just discouraged — it is actively penalized.
At the heart of this transformation is precarity. Tenure is disappearing, replaced by a workforce of adjuncts, visiting faculty and contract teachers who have no institutional protection. Their continued employment is contingent on remaining uncontroversial — on being docile enough to secure another short-term contract, on ensuring their research does not antagonize funders, on performing intellectual labour that aligns with the university’s market logic.
Even full-time faculty are not exempt: tenure tracks are narrowing and promotions are increasingly tied to grant money, which in turn is tied to political and corporate interests.
The fear that this system produces is not just external — it is internalized. I have caught myself altering my arguments, choosing softer language, avoiding certain keywords even when they are the most accurate descriptors of reality. Sometimes, I do this without even realizing it, as if my mind has already adapted to the consequences of speaking too freely.
It was a comrade who first pointed this out to me after reading a draft of mine. “Why are you holding back?” they asked. “This isn’t how you actually talk about this.”
They were right. Without meaning to, I had sanded down the rough edges of my argument, made it more palatable, more “academic.” Not out of intellectual dishonesty, but out of habit — out of an unspoken knowledge that writing a certain way would make my work more acceptable, more publishable, less risky.
I have seen the same fear in my peers, in professors who once spoke more freely but now hesitate, glancing over their shoulders before making a critical remark. It is in the small revisions we make to our papers, the choice of conference panels we avoid, the reluctance to cite scholars who have been marked as “too political.” This is not just about avoiding direct punishment — it is about survival.
We instinctively understand that funding, fellowships and even future job opportunities depend not just on the quality of our work but on how well we navigate the silent, unwritten rules of academic acceptability.
Funding is the unspoken gatekeeper of academia. Research that attracts state or private sponsorship flourishes, while work that interrogates capitalism, caste, state violence, or majoritarianism struggles to survive.
The politics of publishing mirrors this dynamic — journals, conferences and institutional support all subtly, but decisively, steer scholars away from work that is too radical, too unsettling. The choice is clear: conform or be pushed to the margins.
The cost of this is not just intellectual stagnation — it is the slow death of the university as a space of critical thought. When scholars are forced into self-censorship, when students internalize fear before they even begin writing, when entire fields are shaped not by the pursuit of knowledge but by the imperatives of funding and employability, what remains is a university in name only.
A space where learning is reduced to careerism, where thought is managed rather than nurtured and where the most dangerous thing one can do is think freely.
The Right-Wing’s Academic Takeover
The shift of universities toward the right is no accident: it is a deliberate restructuring of academic spaces to align with the interests of the state and capital. Administrators actively discourage dissent, not necessarily through direct prohibitions, but through institutional inertia – by making it difficult for radical voices to thrive, by ensuring that funding and career security are tied to compliance.
The result is an academic culture where right-wing professors can openly declare, “I am a Zionist,” without consequence, while leftist or critical faculty must navigate their words with caution, knowing that a single misstep could make them targets of smear campaigns, job insecurity, or worse.
Surveillance, both formal and informal, has become an unspoken reality of the classroom. Students record lectures. Colleagues report each other.
A passing comment, a critical remark on state policy, a casual mention of Marx or Ambedkar, can be flagged, weaponized and used to justify administrative action.
This culture of policing does not need state intervention to function – it is internalized, operating within the university itself. Fear replaces discussion. Silence replaces critique. The classroom ceases to be a space of inquiry and becomes one of performance, where the safest thing to do is to say nothing at all.
This is not about silencing the right — it is about the left not even being allowed to speak. Academia was never meant to be a monologue: it was meant to be a collision, a space where ideas clashed, where arguments were sharpened through debate, where thought was forced to evolve.
What remains when only one side is allowed to speak? What is left to synthesize when a thesis is denied its antithesis? Nothing. Nothing but the slow, quiet death of intellectual thought.
Samyuktha Kannan is a student of law, based out of India. Her work includes research and writing on Kashmir, Political Economy and Carcerality. Her works have previously appeared in places such as ZNetwork.org, Human Geography and Groundxero.
This article is from Z Network.
The views expressed are solely those of the author and may or may not reflect those of Consortium News.
Everyone who comments on this article and indicates what generation they belong to is rather old.
Why is this?
I hope it does not mean that people under 70 don’t know what academic freedom is.
I think that is exactly what it means (though I would lower the bar to 50 to include Gen Xers).
I remember when I was going to school in the 8os we spent what I felt was an inordinate amount of time talking about the negative impact of the loyalty oaths of the 50s/60s on academic freedom. Little did I know that I would see them spring up again 30 years later in the form of mandatory diversity statements/pledges.
I also remember when I went to school in the 80s most college professors were liberal outside of the hard sciences, but there was also a healthy minority of conservative professors to challenge any group think. Today, conservatives are all but extinct in humanities departments and the ‘soft’ sciences (except for a few old fossils hanging on via tenure). What is the point of ‘academic freedom’ when all the academics in a department are in lock-step agreement on everything and screen out dissenting voices from the hiring/promotion process?
Academic freedom died when the ‘long march through the institutions’ stripped universities of the most important diversity of all … diversity of thought.
Well said!
Resist, so our children and grandchildren will have models of integrity and bravery to follow. The future is theirs, and they deserve a viable alternative to bowing before Caesar.
“I am a Zionist” is emerging as the Golden Key. Some relevant background information for this development is at
War Profiteer Story
hXXps://war**profiteer**story.blogspot.com
Note: To use the above link please replace XX with TT and remove all asterisks.
The author is correct as far as she goes … but does the same openness of thought and viewpoint extend to issues like climate change, gender ideology, abortion, immigration, and other touch points of the “left”?
Frankly, as others have noted, I don’t think universities have ever been areas of total free enquiry … it’s just that the “no go” zones shift with time …
“It is better to die on one’s feet than to live on one’s knees.” (quote attributed to Pancho Villa), and all so very true. I have lived my 82 years in the antithesis, and though a poor man financially, I am so rich in so many other ways. I participated in protests and cast my lot with the poor. As a result, many doors were closed, and it is better that I never entered such places. Perhaps the Free University will live on and become more robust–I certainly hope so. I, also, am too old to run to another country, but so what? Every country has its own form of censorship and control. Jesus paid with his earthly life. Should those who choose to follow in similar footsteps consider anything different? We all exit by the same door, anyway, though some may have to wear masks to keep from being blinded by the light on the way into eternity.
Provocative to say the repression arises from the Right. Top U’s are most repressive, and are overwhelmingly Left. I’ve taught at an array from ultra-conservative TCU to ultra-liberal Berkeley and have always found the Right to be much more open to argument and disagreement than the Left.
Yes, absolutely. And I say that after 26 years of experience teaching at a state college.
If so then can you point to a single Marxist professor in a business or economics school at any US university or college?
Good point, Mike.
Not sure what the others mean by ‘left.’
IT IS THE SLOW DEATH OF EVERYTHING!
not all that slow
Good ideas have ways of getting out. They don’t have to have someones name on them. They can stand on their own.
The current climate reminds me a bit of the “silent fifties” when critical analysis of our national and state institutions was often equated with disloyalty. Many on the left lost their jobs or found it hard to get academic work. I had an academic position in one of California’s state universities for 33 years, beginning in 1970. There was little to no state repression, and so far as I know very few lost their job due to their politics. The period I worked in was following the rein of right wing demagogues like Senator Joseph McCarthy, fueled by the Cold War. During my tenure, after McCarthyism faded away, a freer atmosphere developed, even in the context of the continuing Cold War. Communism eventually died of its own contradictions, except in a few small nations like Cuba, with which we still have no relations. There is a hangover of such intolerance on the far right. But we are back to what C.Wright Mills called “the great celebration” (of capitalism), with people like Musk becoming popular in right wing circles. To me it seems that our politics and much of the national dialogue have stagnated.
“Nothing but the slow, quiet death of intellectual thought.”
I see a fast and accelerating murder of intellectual thought. The academy of intellect is yours, if you can keep it, or get it back, as the case may be. But that will require taking a stand, and likely a quite physical one at that. Otherwise, you, your fellow academics, and the academy, will have chosen to go out with a whimper, or perhaps, not even that.
My participation is strictly online comment and giving money to or writing for progressive groups. I’m in my eighties and not so energetic as I once was.
Excellent article, scary in a good, eye-opening way. Thank you.
I had the experience 50 years ago in university of expressing my left wing views strongly and was correctly warned that they would have consequence. And that consequence did indeed come to pass
My mom and some other young socialists tried to unionize a shoe factory in a company town in New York state in the late 1940’s. they were arrested and my mom thrown out of Columbia. They actually “doxed” her in the NYTs (probably page 20) including her parents’ names and address. her parents took it to court and she got off on the 1st and 4th amendment
“There was a time when the university was imagined as a space of intellectual risk, where thought could move freely, unrestricted by the anxieties of power or professional survival.”
I’m not sure when that was. I was in college and graduate school from the beginning to the end of the 1960s, taught into the 1970s in two universities (fired from the first for protesting the Vietnam War). The House UnAmerican Activities Committee cast a pale over campus speech. Since I had been on a work study program as an undergrad, I had to sign a document professing that I was not and never had been a member of the Communist party. The second university at which I taught had curriculum issues in my department; I organized other members of ‘junior faculty’ in an attempt to make a couple of minor course additions (successfully) but had become suspect as a trouble maker and was ‘not rehired’. I never in any of that time felt that I could speak or write freely. My point is that the repression of speech and protest today has a long history in the march toward authoritarianism; we are seeing the ‘gloves come off’, but the directing hand has long been made into a fist.
When I was a college student protesting Reagan and Biden, it was certainly gone by then. The university was all about chasing grant money. And don’t get in the way of that train. Most of the grant money was military. In some ways I knew I was making a conscious choice by being a protestor that would close some doors to me. I had no idea where I was headed, but I knew I wasn’t going further down a military tech career path under Reagan during Morning (Mouring) in America. I never wanted to get a security clearance, and in America from the 1980’s forward, that closed some doors.
Today I have what Bob Dylan called A Satisfied Mind, and I am so very happy that I took the road less traveled. If you are being told that you can not be yourself to follow a certain path, well, maybe that path is not for you. Maybe your right arm will ache from constantly having to throw all those constant salutes while you stand in formation.
Besides, today, my advice to the young would be to get completely out of America. Not only the corporate training schools known as universities … completely get out of here. I’m too old to run.
If I were young again I would be heading for China.
“supports free speech”
“would be heading to China”
?
I signed a document saying that I was not now nor ever had been a member of the Communist Party. Ironically those of us who participated in left politics never did have any allegiance to communism. What was then called the “New Left” rejected Communism for a freer form of anti-imperialist and thus anti-Vietnam War left politics. Many of us were friendly towards socialism, but few joined the Socialist Party. We formed something called the New University Conference, which was the faculty arm of Students for a Democratic Society, the dominant left group among college student at the time. I believe SDS was recently reconstituted. We have an emerging left now that is clustered around issues like “Free Palestine.” I’d like to see also some critical resistance to the U.S. setting itself up on the Russian border by conducting a right wing coup in Ukraine in 2014. That coup is definitely the most obnoxious move of what I would call “the new Russophobia.” Ukraine’s dominant political tradition is fascism. In World War Two, Ukrainians joined or cooperated with the Nazis. And they still have right wing parties like Svoboda and Right Sector.