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Imperial
Bush
A closer look at the Bush record -- from
the war in Iraq to the war on the environment
2004 Campaign
Will Americans
take the exit ramp off the Bush presidency in November?
Behind
Colin Powell's Legend
Colin Powell's sterling reputation in Washington hides his life-long role
as water-carrier for conservative ideologues.
The
2000 Campaign
Recounting the controversial presidential campaign
Media
Crisis
Is the national media a danger to democracy?
The Clinton Scandals
The story behind President Clinton's impeachment
Nazi Echo
Pinochet & Other Characters
The Dark Side of Rev. Moon
Rev. Sun Myung Moon and American politics
Contra Crack
Contra drug stories uncovered
Lost History
How the American historical record has been tainted by lies and cover-ups
The October Surprise
"X-Files"
The 1980 October Surprise scandal exposed
International
From free trade to the Kosovo crisis
Other Investigative Stories
Editorials
Below are
several ads selected by Google.
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A Plan for a Cease-Fire in
Iraq By Brent
Budowsky
December 18, 2005 |
Editor’s Note:
Democratic National Chairman Howard Dean came under an avalanche of
criticism for saying that “the idea that we're going to win the
war in Iraq is just plain wrong.” Republicans immediately accused
Democrats of being “defeatist,” as George W. Bush reiterated his demand
for “complete victory.”
But is there a route that brings the war to a
conclusion while avoiding recriminations about “defeat” or unrealistic
notions of “victory”? Is there a way for the killing to stop in Iraq
while politicians save enough “face” to stop acting as obstacles? To
help spark this debate about whether a cease-fire is possible, we are
publishing a guest essay from former Democratic congressional staffer
Brent Budowsky.
Leading
Democrats should propose and President Bush should initiate a plan to
win the war in Iraq beginning with a comprehensive cease-fire, in return
for all-Iraqi participation in the new government, amnesty for
insurgents who lay down their arms to join the democratic process,
multilateral diplomatic and economic support for economic opportunity in
post-cease-fire Iraq, and an unconditional military victory over foreign
terrorists and jihadists led by aggressive and politically savvy Special
Forces and U.S. Marine Corps and active-duty Army.
The path to victory in Iraq is for President Bush and Democratic leaders
to reflect on how President Kennedy learned from the failure of the Bay
of Pigs invasion, took full personal responsibility, and applied the
political and military lessons to achieve a world-saving triumph in the
Cuban Missile Crisis.
Reasonable people can disagree about time lines for withdrawal and force
size for American presence, but these are the wrong questions that
inevitably lead to the wrong answers.
What is needed is a policy that clearly unites America with the
aspirations of the Iraqi people, who oppose the aspects of a lumbering
and overbearing American occupation, but who deeply hold aspirations for
peace, justice, hope, dignity and the economic and human dreams that
motivate people everywhere.
The centerpiece for American policy should be a series of policies that
begin with a cease-fire that the overwhelming majority of Iraqis would
applaud, clear political overtures and economic and civic inducements
for Iraqi parties to compromise with a pluralistic and democratic
spirit, and hard, real, and substantial incentives for indigenous Iraqi
insurgents to accept peace and participate in freedom.
The clear strategy of this plan would be a victory in Iraq using
political, diplomatic and aspirational weapons to end the domestic war
pitting Iraqi against Iraqi which would not only dramatically lower the
violence, but would also dramatically enhance economic and human
reconstruction.
This clear strategy for a political end to the Iraqi-Iraqi war would
pave the way for a sustainable policy, backed by the overwhelming
majority of both parties in the United States and across the board among
people in Iraq, for an outright and aggressive military victory against
foreign jihadist terrorists that would accept only total defeat,
complete destruction and final elimination of foreigners whose only
purpose in Iraq is to promote terrorism and inflict death on Sunnis,
Shi'as, Kurds and Americans alike.
Democrats can propose and the President can announce this plan in very
short order, with the very clear and achievable goal of winning in Iraq
through political solutions that end Iraqi against Iraqi fighting and
through military solutions destroying foreign terrorists who would then
be virtually unanimously rejected by Iraqis who want their dreams
fulfilled but do not want to have their death tolls used by foreign
terrorists as nothing more than petty cash in a war that Iraqis do not
share, will not support, and would unite in banishing from Iraq in the
face of a prosperous peace that would lift members of all factions and
groups of Iraqis for Iraq.
The President could announce this preemptive strike to win the battle of
ideas immediately, calling for a comprehensive cease-fire among Iraqis,
laying out conditions he believes are essential for the plan to succeed,
offering generous economic programs that would come into effect upon
agreement of an all-Iraqi cease-fire and sending the Secretary of State
to Europe, the Gulf States, the United Nations and the World Bank to
develop visionary and bold new programs for opportunity and hope that
would come into effect upon a comprehensive all-Iraqi cease-fire.
The road to victory, consensus and success begins with a hard
recognition that a policy for victory must begin with two things that
wartime Presidents have always done, and President Bush has failed to
do. War must never be a tool for partisan politicians demeaning,
attacking, slandering and dividing each other. And war policy, to
succeed, must unite not only the people of our country, but what Thomas
Jefferson called the decent opinion of mankind, an opinion we ignore at
our peril when our Nation is at war.
Democrats, liberals, opponents of the war must likewise recognize and
act on two equally important facts. In election after election, the
people of Iraq, who have suffered unendurable brutality under Saddam
Hussein and enormous personal risks by acting to cast their vote, have
raised their inked fingers with honor and pride and defied death to
register their belief in freedom at the polls.
And, at a time when our country is so divided, when the policy is under
such debate and when instead of “we are in this together” we have almost
all of the sacrifice endured by only a few hundred thousand of our
troops, we should not only respect and honor their bravery and service
but listen to what they are telling us, as best they can, while they are
under fire.
Whether this war is right or wrong, those who serve in the greatest
danger and assume almost all of the personal risk, overwhelmingly
believe in the mission though undoubtedly not every tactic or policy. No
doubt every night the troops return to barracks and debate the issues as
we do, though with far more respect and, yes, love for each other, a
lesson both parties can learn greatly from at home. But Americans on all
sides of the issue should hear them when they tell us, with a strong
majority voice, that they fundamentally believe in the mission, so while
domestic recruitment suffers the retention rate for troops serving in
Iraq is surprisingly high.
A strategic policy to achieve victory through political solutions among
Iraqis, and military victory against foreign terrorists, would not be
easy, but it can be done, supporting unity among people, making a
compelling stand to win the battle of ideas within Iraq and worldwide
and creating a policy that could be sustained for as long as it takes to
win.
The political strategy would be far more bold, visionary, generous and
far-sighted. The military strategy would lead to far fewer casualties
among Americans and Iraqis alike; it would move away from a war that
looks far too much like an imperial occupation to average Iraqis, and
far more like the Special Forces war against terrorists that would seek
the death of our mortal enemies, with whom negotiation is impossible, in
a way that would rally far more of the hearts, minds, souls and spirits
of the people whose support we need to win on political, military and
intelligence fronts.
In such a war, we would have a real chance to achieve political victory
where we can, military victory where we must, and a major
reconfiguration of American forces in Iraq that would expedite the
withdrawal of our guard and reserve forces who have given so much, with
greater emphasis on aggressive Special Forces, Army and Marines with far
more successful use of hard military assets and far more enlightened
victory in the battle of ideas that is so essential to victory in any
war of counter-insurgency.
One final point, last but far from least. Because of the heroic efforts
of John McCain, who has demonstrated the kind of vision and moral
integrity many of us wish had come sooner from all conservatives and
Republicans, and the courage that many of us wish had come sooner from
Democratic leaders, our country and the President have initiated a new
spirit and beginning of human rights and human dignity in our treatment
of prisoners.
America must never again be a nation that debates secret prisons,
torture chambers by any name, rampant abuse and we must never be reduced
to the morally unacceptable argument that our Abu Ghraib is less bad
than Saddam Hussein's Abu Ghraib. The entire debate has become a stain
on our national honor, a defamation of our national character,
destructive to our self-esteem, our credibility and reputation around
the world, our efforts to win the war, and the interests of our troops,
commanders and privates alike, who, by overwhelming majorities, want
these abuses to stop, as do the vast majority of intelligence
interrogators and officers.
Mr. President, please, make this only the beginning, and take the lead
in terms that will let our freedom ring throughout the world and among
all Iraqis. Give Senator McCain your power of attorney and heed every
word of advice he offers, because he has your interest, America's
interest, our troops interest and freedoms interest at heart. You will
not be surrendering power by so doing, you will be empowering yourself
as commander in chief and rallying the hearts and conscience of every
man and women who wears our flag on their arms, or in their heart.
Why not appoint a Special Presidential adviser such as someone like
Justice Sandra Day O'Connor, who would have moral stature and power
among lovers of freedom and justice everywhere, to look at all of these
prisoner issues abroad and civil liberties issues at home and offer
advice that would well serve our legacy in history, our national
self-confidence and world-wide moral stature, and the interests of our
troops.
If the President would appoint someone of the stature of Justice
O'Connor and says the McCain Amendment is only the beginning of a new
day, there would be standing ovations across the aisles in Congress,
rallying applause in the capitals of democracy everywhere and lifted
hearts among friends of freedom around the world.
We can win the war in Iraq, if we remember that we are in this together,
if we remember who we are as a nation, if we have clear goals about
achieving political victories where possible and military victories
where necessary. We can and must appeal to the aspirations of good
people who will support us not as occupiers but as liberators, as we win
the battle of ideas to rally our friends and appeal to the undecided,
while we kill the true enemies of America with whom negotiation is not
an option, and failure is not an option, either.
Brent Budowsky is a former legislative assistant to U.S. Sen. Lloyd
Bentsen, D-Texas, and legislative director to Rep. Bill Alexander,
D-Ark., when he was chief deputy majority whip in the U.S. House of
Representatives. He can be reached by e-mail at
[email protected].
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