This is a terrible echo of the approach by the U.S. government after Sept. 11, which from the outset conferred advance absolution on itself for any and all of its future crimes against humanity, writes Norman Solomon.
The quest for decisive U.S. military superiority over Beijing and the ability to win a war against a nuclear-armed power should be considered a fool’s errand, writes William D. Hartung. But it isn’t.
Human Rights Watch has found no evidence of the U.S. government paying compensation or other redress to victims of detainee abuse in Iraq. Nor has Washington issued “any individual apologies or other amends.”
A pattern of regret — distinct from remorse — for the venture militarism that failed in Afghanistan and Iraq does exist, writes Norman Solomon. But the disorder persists in U.S. foreign policy.
Pakistan has imposed a media blackout over the deposed prime minister and thousands of new political prisoners incarcerated in appalling conditions. Condemnation in the U.K. and U.S. has been non-existent.
The author of a study on the people killed indirectly by the War on Terror calls on the U.S. to step up reconstruction and assistance efforts in post-9/11 war zones.
Previously unreleased drawings by Abu Zubaydah, featured in a new report, add further evidence of what the authors say the federal government, particularly the C.I.A., tried to conceal.
Whatever people in the U.S. might think about the killing of al Zawahiri in the middle of the Afghan capital 7,000 miles away, safety and security are hardly likely to top the list, writes Phyllis Bennis.
Nick Turse reports on the proliferation of U.S. military targets since U.S. Congress gave successive presidents an essentially free hand to make war around the world.
By pulling the realities of war out of its carefully crafted public context, the WikiLeaks founder became a danger to the country’s political status quo, writes Robert Koehler.