Paula's Onward-Marching Christian Soldiers
By Frederick Clarkson
Most attorneys who ascend into the rarefied atmosphere of media
celebrity-hood are either dashing courtroom warriors, like O.J. Simpson's
Johnnie Cochran, or inside-the-Beltway power types, like Bill Clinton's
The Monica Lewinsky case broke that mold with the unlikely emergence of the
family's Los Angeles-based lawyer, the garrulous William Ginsburg, as a
five-talk-shows-per-Sunday phenomenon. But perhaps even more unusual -- and
less examined -- is the entrance of Paula Jones's lawyer, John Whitehead,
into the exclusive "Burden of Proof" club of TV-courtroom stardom.
As the Paula Jones case merged with the Monica Lewinsky case this year, the
rumpled 51-year-old Whitehead became a fixture as a talking head on
Nightline, CNN and other network news shows.
Yet, there has been only superficial attention to who Whitehead is and what
he stands for -- despite a lengthy public record of controversial remarks.
During his legal-religious career, for instance, Whitehead has asserted
that democracy is "heresy"; that the defining aspect of history is the
"race war" between Christians and non-Christians; and that the harsh
Calvinism of the "Puritan Fathers" is the standard to which temporal law
But, even as the TV networks run up millions of dollars in expenses
covering Monica and Paula, there has been next to no attention to
Whitehead's religious-political goals. Those motives might normally be
expected to draw some interest, especially as the possibility grows that
the Jones-Lewinsky controversy could lead to some form of impeachment
proceedings against President Clinton.
Still, more often than not, the Washington news media has served only as a
conveyor belt for P.R. boiler-plate. In a typical description, The New
York Times recently called Whitehead's Rutherford Institute "a kind of
evangelical Christian civil liberties union" -- which is how Rutherford
describes itself in its publicity material. The P.R. handouts just leave
out "kind of."
Are Whitehead's beliefs too white-hot to handle? Or are reporters of a
kinder and gentler generation merely being considerate of people whose
religious beliefs are deeply held? Or is that sensitivity a cover for
reporters and editors too timid to investigate and fully report potentially
controversial beliefs for fear of being labeled religious bigots?
But as Whitehead and his organization sponsor a legal action aimed at
crippling a president, it would seem reasonable to trace the trajectory of
Whitehead's ideas and his career. In this case, there is a fairly
straight-forward story about his theocratic ideological roots. The story
can be found in Whitehead's books and speeches, those of his close
colleagues and founding documents of the Rutherford Institute.
The man who launched Whitehead's career is the 80-year-old Rousas John
Rushdoony, perhaps the leading theocratic Christian thinker of the 20th
Century. Rushdoony heads the secretive Chalcedon Foundation in Vallecito,
Calif., and is the founder of what is called the Christian Reconstructionist
movement. "Reconstructionism" asserts that in order to pave the way for the
"Kingdom of God," the world must develop theocratic republics ruled by
Rushdoony's magnum opus, The Institutes of Biblical Law, was published in
1973. It opposes democracy and argues that the Ten Commandments and the
Biblical stories of their adjudication in Old Testament Israel provide the
only legitimate legal blueprint for society.
Although few adhere fully to Rushdoony's view, such prominent conservatives
as Howard Phillips and Robert Billings credit Rushdoony's work as the
intellectual catalyst for the Christian Right. Billings, a founder of the
Moral Majority, once said, "if it weren't for [Rushdoony's] books, none of
us would be here." [See David Cantor's The Religious Right: The Assault
on Tolerance & Pluralism.]
The man whose books launched the Christian Right also inspired and guided
the career of John Whitehead. Rushdoony supplied the outline for
Whitehead's first book, The Separation Illusion, which the young
attorney researched in his mentor's library. Published in 1977 -- with an
introduction by Rushdoony -- Whitehead's book attacks the constitutional
doctrine of the separation of church and state.
The book advocates the reorganization of the United States as a "Christian
Nation" under the rationale that "the Christians are a spiritual race
chosen to serve as the sons of God." But Whitehead envisions something
worse than second-class citizenship for what he calls "the other spiritual
race." He warns ominously that "doom happens to be their lot."
Whitehead invokes the intolerant Puritans of the Massachusetts Bay Colony
as the natural role models for this new government. "The Calvinist doctrine
of predestination separates mankind into those who are damned and those who
are saved," Whitehead wrote in The Separation Illusion. "The elect
of God," Whitehead continued, "partake of divine favor while the non-elect
The U.S. Constitution's recognition that all religious faiths are equal
under the law is anathema to Whitehead. In his book, he argues that the
doctrine of separation of church and state causes "the true God" to be an
"outcast" and a "criminal."
"Nothing could be further from the truth," Whitehead insists, than the
notion that everyone is "equal in the eyes of God." Whitehead declares:
"To hold that the Christian religion is no better than Buddhism or Judaism
Following this line of thought, Whitehead disdains religious pluralism as
explicitly anti-Christian. He argues that "the atheists, the American
Jewish Committee and the Synagogue Council of America" colluded to
"eradicate" state-sponsored prayer in public schools.
Their motive? The "sons of darkness believed that cutting the reciting of
prayer from school would aid in their gaining control of the system,"
Whitehead wrote. "The public schools are satanic imitations of the true
God's institutional church." He asserts that when the U.S. Supreme Court
decides cases on the basis of religious equality, it "merely assaults the
In his book, Whitehead views this conflict between Christian theocrats and
civil libertarians in apocalyptic terms. "The Christians serve God and the
non-Christians serve the leader of the ungodly, Satan. Conflict results.
It's total spiritual warfare, and it is being fought every second of every
Whitehead sees this war as going badly. "At one time Christians had command
of the United States," he wrote. But "through toleration they receded until
the non-Christians grew too strong to combat any longer." Ambiguously,
Whitehead adds that this struggle is "an arena of both spiritual and
These opinions from Whitehead's book also were not pulled out of context,
nor are they the reflections of youthful ideological excess. They were
penned as part of a thoroughly argued book by a 30-year-old constitutional
lawyer. That book then launched Whitehead's 20-year career as a "Christian
lawyer" and author of other books sounding similar notes. [For a more
detailed description of Whitehead's views, see Chip Berlet's "Clinton,
Conspiracism and Civil Society," a paper published by Political Research
In 1982, five years after publication of The Separation Illusion,
Whitehead founded the Rutherford Institute in Charlottesville, Va. The
Institute, essentially a legal project of Rushdoony's Chalcedon Foundation,
was named after the 17th Century Scottish revolutionary Samuel Rutherford,
who called for adherence to God's laws over those of the King of England.
Rushdoony was a member of the Rutherford Institute's small founding board.
At a Reconstructionist conference in 1983, Rushdoony spoke of "our plans,
through Rutherford ... to fight the battle against statism and the freedom
of Christ's Kingdom." He introduced Whitehead as a man "chosen by God"
for this work.
Joining Whitehead and Rushdoony on the founding Rutherford board was Howard
Ahmanson Jr., at that time a director of Rushdoony's Chalcedon Foundation
and its biggest funder. In a rare 1985 interview with the Orange County
Register, the usually secretive Ahmanson declared, "my purpose is
total integration of Biblical law into our lives."
Heir to a huge California savings and loan fortune, Ahmanson, 47, is a
leading financier of Christian Right organizations and conservative
California politicians. Ahmanson-backed Christian Right candidates have
tipped the scale of political power in Sacramento toward the Republicans
and made the Christian Right a potent faction in the state's GOP.
Another founding director of Rutherford was Frank Schaeffer, son of the
late theologian Francis Schaeffer, who was another mentor to Whitehead.
The elder Schaeffer's books, A Christian Manifesto and Whatever
Happened to the Human Race, were influential rallying cries for
Rounding out Rutherford's founding board was Jerry Nims, who worked with
Whitehead on a legal project for Jerry Falwell's Moral Majority, which was
the leading Christian Right political organization of the 1970s and early
1980s. At one point, Nims took over the reins of the now-defunct Moral
In its 16-year history, the Rutherford Institute is best known for
"specializing in the defense of anti-abortion protesters and 'parents
rights' to home school their children," according to sociologist Sara
Diamond. [See Diamond's Facing the Wrath: Confronting the Right in
Dangerous Times.] Under the rubric of "religious freedom," these
cases have benefitted conservative Christians seeking greater latitude to
influence public policy and to spread their evangelical doctrines.
But there is a more aggressive plan behind the Reconstructionist
revolution. Under a "reconstructed" Christian nation, many offenses would
result in the death penalty, including crimes relating to sexuality and
religion. Death would be the punishment for adultery, homosexuality,
bestiality, promiscuity, heresy, apostasy, blasphemy and "propagation of
false doctrines." [See R.J. Rushdoony's Institutes of Biblical Law.]
Functioning as the legal arm for the militant wing of the Christian Right,
Whitehead's anti-abortion legal work suggests a tolerance for violence or
"physical warfare" in the pursuit of political goals. Rutherford attorneys
have represented Operation Rescue militants in connection with abortion
clinic blockades. Although Whitehead claims that he is opposed to the use
of violence, he offered in 1994 to represent Paul Hill, the admitted and
convicted murderer of an abortion doctor.
Yet, as the Rutherford Institute has grown in prominence over the past
decade, Whitehead distanced himself from Rushdoony and some of his mentor's
more controversial positions. Whitehead now says he is not a
Reconstructionist, and Rushdoony is no longer on the Rutherford board of
directors. But unlike other public figures who have broken with a political
movement or school of thought, Whitehead has offered no written explanation
of his supposed change of heart and mind.
When writer Robert Boston recently asked Whitehead about The Separation
Illusion, Whitehead dissembled, insisting that "he has not read the
book 'in a long time,' adding that there are probably things in it he
would not stand by today." But Whitehead did not specify which of his views
he might recant. [Church & State Magazine, March 1998]
Whitehead's explicitly theocratic world view raises other questions as he
plays a central role in hobbling President Clinton over alleged sexual
impropriety. Does Whitehead see the Paula Jones case -- and its new
spin-off criminal investigation -- as a way to impose punishments on an
enemy of a "Christian nation?" Is Whitehead's institute acting as God's
hammer while special prosecutor Kenneth Starr, another Christian
conservative, is the anvil?
In The Separation Illusion, Whitehead declares that "the government
is to punish the evildoer while protecting the godly in administering God's
justice." Arguably from that point of view, legal action against perceived
immorality in the person of President Clinton might move the United States
in the direction of Whitehead's idealized Calvinist society -- and perhaps
lessen the severity of God's "judgment" against the nation for allegedly
falling away from that standard.
But whatever his personal objectives, Whitehead's theocratic agenda would
seem to merit at least as much media attention as Paula Jones's cosmetic
make-over or Monica Lewinsky's choice of entree at a pricy Washington
Frederick Clarkson is author of Eternal Hostility: The Struggle Between
Theocracy and Democracy, from which this article is adapted. The book
can be ordered from Common Courage Press by calling 1-800-497-3207.
(c) Copyright 1998 -- Please Do Not Re-Post
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