The outcome of the summit in Hiroshima stands in stark contrast to the efforts of leaders from around the world who are trying to end the conflict, write Medea Benjamin and Nicolas J. S. Davies.
Regardless of her reassurances, Asian leaders will get the foreign minister’s message, writes Mary Kostakidis. And she offered little hope to the cause of freeing Julian Assange.
Shell, the other U.K. “super-major” oil company, also re-entered Iraq in 2009 after an invasion in 2003 that was widely denounced at the time as a war-for-oil on the part of the U.S. and U.K., Matt Kennard reports.
We keep coming face-to-face with the wreckage of the Russiagate years, when the 45th president threatened the national security apparatus for, possibly, the first time since Kennedy fired Allen Dulles as C.I.A. director in 1961.
Despite Colin Powell’s presentation and the U.S. media’s embrace of it, every other nation on the Security Council, with the exception of Britain and Spain, was highly skeptical of the U.S. argument for war, including allies Germany and France.
The case to invade Iraq on March 19, 2003 was based on an NIE that was prepared not to determine the truth, but rather to “justify” preemptive war, when there was nothing to preempt.
Former Australian PM Paul Keating has eviscerated Australia’s deal to buy nuclear submarines from the U.K. and U.S., saying there is no Chinese threat to defend against, despite the war hysteria stirring in Australia, writes Joe Lauria.
The Chinese-brokered diplomatic deal between Saudi Arabia and Iran not only opens the way for resolution of region-wide conflicts, but potentially foils U.S. Mideast designs based on Saudi-Iranian enmity, writes Joe Lauria.
In a 3,900-word commentary, the Chinese Foreign Ministry has openly condemned nearly 80 years of U.S. political, military, economic, technological and cultural hegemony.